A fine line must
be drawn between cultural relativism and political engagement. The former being
the understanding of a culture on it’s own terms and the latter being the moral
condemnation of a culture, religious practice, or ideology based on the
presuppositions of another. In examining the morality of Female Genital Cutting (FCG), a tradition practiced by some
Muslim societies, 21-st century
anthropologists and feminists question if it is even possible to take a stand against it. (Mascia 68) .
Undoubtedly any interference, especially American, would be perceived as yet
another affirmation of western imperialism, while overlooking the obvious
threat it poses to basic human rights would be considered negligent. This
creates a paradox, which prevents foreign cultures from being held accountable
on the basis of cultural autonomy and it’s women from receiving the support
some may need. In a similar manner, women in Northern Afghanistan have been marginalized
and forced to accept a diminished quality of life that not only limits their
access to modern medical centers but also restricts their social mobility due to
the heavy influence of Islam. In this context, religion can be seen as the
primary means in which the Taliban regime and Islamic conservatives have used
to assert arbitrary despotism over Afghan women, resulting in a new status quo
that denies them their basic human rights. This article will investigate the
historical background preceding Taliban rule, the factors contributing to the
status of women now, and the role of Islam in the newly formed Afghan
government.
Historical
Background
Towards the end of
the nineteenth century enlightened Muslim thinkers began to look for ways to
modernize Islamic communities, which would improve gender inequality and thus
give Afghan women a more vital role in society. The first reform was started by
Amir Abd al-Rahman who ruled from 1880 to 1901 and resulted in a unified legal
system that would increase women’s rights. The next two rulers that superseded
al-Rahman created legislation that would prohibit child marriage and forced
marriages while increasing awareness campaigns for women’s rights (Riphenburg
410). These reforms remained in effect until the Taliban regime took control of
northern Afghanistan after which they reversed the social reforms that gave
women equality and replaced them with conservative Islamic laws. The results
were severe and widespread, as female TV announcers were forced to quit their
jobs, female doctors received death threats if they did not comply with house
arrests, and all females received mandatory dress codes. Women
were forced to stay in their homes and have their windows painted black to prevent anyone from looking inside. (Mulrine
web 15Nov2012) . Those who vocalized their objections were
brutally punished : one man was executed and left hanging in front of a soccer stadium for three days to serve
as an example to others who chose to challenge the Taliban.
Consequently,
the lack of female employees and teachers led to a complete realignment of
Afghanistan’s social infrastructure. Prior to Taliban rule, women composed 60%
of university faculty, 40% of trained doctors, and 50% government
held jobs. Their dismissal from work severely crippled Afghanistan’s
workforce and led to a rise in poverty which effects are still being felt to
this day. Most importantly, the lack of female doctors in the country has
resulted in record-breaking mortality rates among infants and pregnant women.
The
Inadequacy of Healthcare
Of the 24 million
people that are living in Afghanistan,
there is only one clinic for every 24,000 civilians, and of the clinics available to
them, only 24 % of the medical facilities
actually have electricity and nearly half of them do not have a female staff
(Riphenburg 414) . Because Afghanistan
operates under Islamic law, many men do not find it appropriate to have their
wives examined by a male doctor or nurse. In cases of pregnancy, the wife either has a natural delivery or her husband would arrange to have a mid-wife
assist in the process. According to Riphenburg’s article on the changed out
look for afghan women, 92% of these child deliveries are done without medically trained personnel. This explains why 165 infants out
of a thousand die before their first birthday and how one and seven mothers
will die during childbirth. It is estimated that a woman dies every 30 minutes
delivering a child in Afghanistan.
In
a effort to address these problems as well as other medical issues,
Afghanistan’s ministry of Public Health developed the “Basic Package of Health
Services” (BPHS), which would provide medical care at a low cost. Additionally
the program would examine maternal and newborn health, child health and
immunizations, public nutrition, communicable diseases in regards to
Tuberculosis and Malaria. In order to assess these areas, a national
cross-sectional multistage cluster sample survey on disability was used. It consisted of a three-stage cluster sample based on the division of
Afghanistan’s local populace. 34 provinces, 397 districts and more than 30,000
villages were assessed and would be representative of all Afghani households however certain areas were omitted for safety reasons. (Jean-Francois 1747). Physicians who had previous
experience with large surveys conducted training for interviewers, which were locally
educated high school civilians. They assessed several core issues
that ranged from Activity limitations and functioning difficulties to health
condition and access to healthcare.
Their findings indicated that there was a positive
reception to the health care centers among female patients who were in remote
areas, less educated and physically disabled. This contrasted with higher-class
civilians who relied more on private sector and alternative care because they
possessed the financial means to pay for it. However despite the positive
reception to health care centers, the level of use among poorer patients was
still at 18.5%. Several factors explain
the low percentage of use, first being rural areas lack access to BPHS facilities.
Because Afghanistan’s rural communities are located in mountainous terrain,
many patients who became sick did not have the ability to travel outside of
their village leaving them to either die of sickness or recover naturally. Secondly,
traditional views of diseases can dissuade a patient or family from seeking out
care because of religious beliefs. Some communities believe that psychological
diseases and intellectual handicaps are a curse from god. Lastly, according to Afghanistan’s census,
87% of its population lives in rural communities making access to medical
facilities a major obstacle for the Ministry of Public Health.
The effect of Afghanistan’s diminished workforce is evident in
the rise in poverty over the past three decades. In the initial Taliban
takeover, bakeries that were owned and operated by women were shut down despite
having a customer base of 7,000 (Mulrine web 15Nov2012). According to a 2002 report released by State of the Worlds Mothers: Mothers and
sons at war approximately 25 % of children in Afghanistan suffer from mild
to severe mal nutrition.( Riphenburg 407). The consequences of this can be
fatal and can even effect the regularity of a woman’s pregnancy. Since Afghan women usually get married at 15, those who were malnourished could have an underdeveloped pelvis which would ultimately result in internal bleeding during their delivery due to fetal trauma.
Similarly,
the paucity of employment throughout Afghanistan has stripped rural families of
their financial means leaving them so desperate that they are willing to sell
off their daughters in exchange for a bride price- the financial compensation a
family receives for giving up their daughter to another family (Riphenburg 406).
The International Red Cross has found evidence to support this claim that
indicates girls as young as 10 are being sold off just for a 220-pound bag of flour. However it is important to note that these
actions should not be looked upon as deficient but rather as a circumstantial
consequence to living in a oppressive regime.
The deficiency is vested in the institution itself, which has maintained
patriarchal dominance through fear and intimidation. Understandably, Western
society may be reluctant to take action given it’s history of destroying native cultures in the
name of god and enlightenment (Rachels 171) .Moving beyond the fear of
“repeating history” in light of cultural relativism is an important step towards
a solution, which up until this point has resulted in more destruction and
violence. However Carole Nagengast cautions in chapter 3 “Politics of
Anthropology” that it can also be used to “excuse,
rationalize, or explain women’s differential treatment before the law”
(Masica-Lees 69)
Conclusion
For
thousands of years humans have struggled to reconcile the inevitability of
modernization versus the antiquated values of the past. The dichotomy between
science and religion aptly characterizes this struggle, and remains a subject
of heated debate and justification for wanton violence both domestically and
internationally. However the root of this problem does not lie in scripture or
reason, but in the human condition itself. From it, faith or reason can be used
as a means to an end, particularly in matters of dominance and power. As Dr
Ahmed el- Tayyeb points out, many passages of the Qur’an may be misinterpreted
in favor of male superiority which overlooks the central value of Islam: Justice. God condemns transgression and oppression.
(Shaker 296) This value, along with many other passages that endorse gender
equality, illustrates the deliberate manipulation of Qur’anic scripture in
order to subvert Afghan women and maintain the status quo through religious
persecution. The lack of education within the female population, especially in
rural areas, remains a big obstacle to
overcome before Afghanistan can successfully achieve social reform.
Furthermore, bigger strides must be taken to repair its infrastructure, which
will create a sustainable environment for academic and industrial growth.
Lastly it is important to look at the women of Egypt, who for almost a hundred
years fought for gender equality, as an example to emulate . Their success defied Islamic stereotypes
and demonstrated the possibility to live in a Islamic society where they could
be allowed to participate in matters outside of the domestic domain and were
respected and treated fairly.
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